On the other hand, there is another and equally important factor that must be taken into consideration. Though the Western countries repeated many times that they had no enmity for the Iranian people in imposing the sanctions, ordinary Iranians were the ones paying the price. There is no need to point out that today in Iran, the anti-humanist attitude of the ideological intellectuals of the 1950s,1960s and 1970s has collapsed. In contrast to the ideological generation of Iranian intellectuals, who wished to save the key concepts of master ideologies whose logics were monstruous, the preoccupation of the new generation of Iranian intellectuals with the concept of negative liberty, its sources, its fragility and the threats to it, colors all their other concerns. Therefore, vital to celebrating hope in Iranian culture is recognizing its role in providing what is needed to endure hardship and despair while promoting resourcefulness and the expansion of agency. Iranian people have been learning from their past while living in the present and hoping for the future. Iranian authorities have said that the Sorbonne- and Harvard-educated Jahanbegloo is being held at Tehran's notorious Evin prison, where many of Iran's political prisoners are kept.
Their concern is less to settle accounts with the intellectual representatives of illiberalism in Iran than to confront philosophically the phenomenon itself in modern Iranian thought. This was produced by , a partnership of the and The Washington Post. Clearly, the outcome of the 2005 presidential elections, which led to Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's election in the first place, was already indicative of the internal crisis between popular sovereignty and authoritarian rule at the heart of the Islamic Republic's political framework. Should street violence in Iran escalate, it also spells the possibility of an escalation of violence in the Middle East. In short what all this means is that the new Iranian intellectual has finally returned to earth, to here and now, after decades of ideological temptations looking for salvation in eschatological constructions. Therefore, the real dividing line which runs between the Fourth Generation of Iranian intellectuals and the previous ones is not between progress and nostalgia, hope and memory, or the past and the future, but between the preachers of grand narratives and monistic utopias and admirers of dialogue and value pluralism.
Actually for a long time the Iranian Left dismissed the claim that Communism in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe were a form of totalitarianism. In the end, it is highly doubtful that the current Iranian unrest will somehow blossom into a flame that burns away Ahmadinejad and his group. As its economic might has grown in the past decade, so, too, have its political influence and cultural role. Jahanbegloo was arrested in Tehran Airport charged with preparing a velvet revolution in Iran. In 1993 he taught at the Academy of Philosophy in Tehran.
This generation has a political approach toward these values and, importantly, it is heavily colored by the active presence of women. This modernity is not an imitation one, but rather is based on discourse. Such a reflective experience is today that of the Fourth Generation of Iranian intellectuals, who have turned a critical eye toward their intellectual heritage, provoking a wave of analytical and critical research on the lives and works of some of its most representative figures like Jalal Al-Ahmad, Ali Shariati, Ahmad Fardid or EhsanTabari. What is certain is that the democratic future of Iran is still not in the hands of those who are suffering for it on the streets of Iran. Instead, its value is viewed as the event of the future. The intervention here is not only a reflection upon the pluralistic mechanisms of politics, but also upon the political self. Having said this, one needs also to add that Islamic Iran is more divided than at any time since 1979, a divide between traditionalists and modernists that has been deep in Iran since the Islamic revolution.
In recent days several Iranian websites had published reports about his arrest and Iran finally today it was confirmed that he has been detained. Someone who is not like my daddy, And is not even like my mom. Radio Farda's Mosadegh Katouzian contributed to this report. He is presently the Executive Director of the Mahatma Gandhi Centre for Nonviolence and Peace Studies and the Vice-Dean of the School of Law at Jindal Global University- Delhi, India. Radio Farda: It seems that in your book you see a unique status and mission for the fourth generation in the process of progress and democratization in Iran. Yet at the same time, the anti-utopianism may also impart—a caution? It seems to me that this curious mixture constitutes the essence of modern Iranian intellectual heritage. Ramin Jahanbegloo, one of Iran's best-known dissidents, headed the contemporary studies department of the Cultural Research Bureau in Tehran until his arrest in April 2006.
May not be duplicated or distributed in any form Web Site Design by Internet server by. Jahangegloo was due to visit Hungary on May 3 to attend a gathering of philosophers. Though this is difficult to confirm, it seems that the demonstrations that started in the holy city of Mashhad on Dec. The concept of popular sovereignty, which is derived from the indivisible will of the Iranian nation, is inscribed in Article I of the constitution of the Islamic Republic. They now find themselves at the head of a pro-democracy and pro-reform movement that seeks to defy the very essence of illiberalism and authoritarianism in Iran.
As a result, the news of an agreement on Iran's nuclear program was followed by street celebrations and expressions of hope all over Iran. The point is that the new Iranian intellectual is no longer entitled to play the role of a prophet or a hero. They made up one-third of eligible voters in the Iranian presidential election. It indicates the ability to keep hope alive by ensuring that it revitalizes force in our lives. This movement includes figures such as Reza Davari Ardakani, Javad Larijani and Mehdi Golshani.
On August 30, 2006, Jahanbegloo was from prison on bail. He was released that August and now lives in exile in Canada, where he teaches at the University of Toronto. It is in this new social atmosphere that the emergence of a global community or a cyberpolis was able to reveal to the Iranian youth the true nature of instrumental rationality as modern universal standards. His academic writings include more than 20 books in English, French and Persian. Among the multiple aspects of this question, one is particularly important here: How can a group of young Iranian intellectuals challenge the cultural and intellectual soil that defines, delimits and constrains them? This is the reason why Habermas, Rorty, Ricoeur, Berlin and many others are relevant in Iran. Student activists and observers, however, believe that Aref's expulsion and similar sentences against other politically active students are part of a new government crackdown on Iranian universities.