Although it is important to assume a position concerning the status issue, progressive forces should not reify it at the expense of democratic struggles. Toward a Nonessentialist Treatment of the Status Question: Challenges and Options Irrespective of whether Puerto Rico becomes an independent republic, a reformed commonwealth, the fifty-first state, or an associated republic, the island will remain under U. The concessions to the Puerto Rican working classes by the U. Internal Revenue Code that provides federal corporate tax exemption to U. The organized working classes viewed the North American government as a guarantor of fundamental civil rights in Puerto Rico. Always turning to their own frame of differentiation, nationalist in- 54 Mariano Negrdn-Portillo tellectuals continue to ignore questions regarding multilingual situations.
It was not by chance that the Spanish government reinforced those institutions dealing with social and political vigilance. By this last comment we do not mean to suggest that Puerto Rico's colonial insertion is irrelevant to these other political subjectivities. Up to the 1930s, nationalist organizations developed a conception of Puerto Rican culture based on an integrated interpretation of the nationhood—that failed to understand differences— and on the principles of the unity of the people in support of the designs of the nationalist elite. Anticolonial struggles and Cold War geopolitical military and symbolic considerations forced western metropolises to make concessions to their colonies. In the introduction, Pedreira exclaims: We will expel that effeminate curiosity with which, up until now, we have treated authors, books and issues, and it will establish the grounds in order to form the history of our cultural evolution, that is still to be done, and towards which we should immediately proceed before we achieve our definition and before we get the true orientation that our people should take towards its future.
For Pedreira, texts like Ashford's only belong to the taxonomy of the nation if one constantly asserts the ambivalent otherness that constitutes their appearance in this soil. The diasporic reterritorialization of postcoloniality into ethnicity has the potential to represent the third world within the first world not through easy assimilationalism or strategic opportunism, but through a fundamental questioning of the manner in which dominant regimes play and dictate the identity game to subaltern groups on the basis of a rigged and stacked text. Celeste Olalquiaga, Megalopolis: Contemporary Cultural Sensibilities Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1992 , 84. Although all sectors of the population take part in mass consumption, the integration into the mainland's social norm of consumption is unequal, representing a social norm below the mainland's average. These concessions developed into a strategy to make Puerto Rico a showcase of democracy and capitalism during the 1950s and 1960s. These and other changes, in the view of the new government, did not require interlocutors, a role that the autonomistas had ascribed to themselves. Although most political conflicts were publicly played out by men of different class and cultural identities, one of the groups that sought to take advantage of the new regime were women of all classes.
Omi, Michael, and Howard Winant. Thus, it is meaningless to plead for the creation of new eighthour workday jobs. Although there are definitely some advantages in being part of the U. Introduction 25 Postmodernist Strategies: Rican Style New Political Subjects The emergence of a postmodern state of affairs has inaugurated new political subjects whose agenda is often not contemplated by traditional nationalist or colonial political discourses. Harvard Educational Review 58 1 : 29-53. The prevailing discourse was that Puerto Ricans were not ready for self-government and hence should undergo a period of readiness for any form of self-rule.
Taller de Formaci6n Politica, La cuestion nacional, 69; emphasis in the original. These migrants point to homophobia as part of their decision to migrate. Keywords , , , , Anderson, Margaret, and Patricia Hill Collins. We are affirming that those strategies associated with women by the patriarchal imagination are part of the anticolonialist discursive arsenal for rethinking a reflexive and seductive Puerto Rican politics. But the writing that Pedreira wants to see is carefully taxonomized: literary texts, like poems or novels; essays on national character; musical compositions; and the like.
It bellifies the status quo under the current Commonwealth arrangement by reinforcing the myth of the existence of a Puerto Rican national economy with the benefits of a common market, currency, and citizenship with the United States. See Winthrop Jordan, White over Black: American Attitudes toward the Negro, 1550-1812 Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1968 , 220-28, 304-5, 482-511; Arthur O. It deserves to be widely read. Since not everyone was in favor of these patriotic histrionics, which denied cultural and political authenticity to the new identities, the United States was able to attract widespread support from different sectors. Puerto Rico's geopolitical location was strategically important for the U. The progressive or reactionary character of a status alternative is contingent on the relation of forces, the strengths or weaknesses of social movements, and the discourses articulating the status options in a specific conjuncture of the global capitalist system.
Bhabha, is understood as a colonial strategy of subjugation. Benson-Arias, U of Puerto Rico, Mayagüez; Arlene Dávila, Syracuse U; Chloé S. The ideals of the U. The new governor of Puerto Rico in 1941, the reformist liberal Rexford Tugwell, confirms the military priority of Puerto Rico in his memoirs: My duty as a representative of my country in Puerto Rico was to shape civil affairs, if I could, so that military bases, which might soon before they were ready have to stand the shock of attack, were not isolated in a generally hostile environment. The answer is: it always is.
Given the drastic difference between the situation of working classes in modern colonies and neocolonial nation-states of the region, these people prefer a modern colony that benefits from metropolitan transfers over a neocolonial nation-state with the same colonial exploitation of a modern colony but no benefits from the metropolitan state. This could channel their efforts beyond the limits set by the status debate. The entry of the big retail conglomerates also shaped the local retail market into the oligopolistic structures characteristic of mainland markets for final goods. My previous work operates within this same conceptual field. A dependent economy is one that relies heavily on the technology, productive equipment, intermediate goods, and financial resources of another economy. The pro-statehood movement in Puerto Rico has been hegemonized by conservative and right-wing factions.
Yet, the national often refers to ethnic culture and solidarity strategies, and rarely does it entail a mass demand to administer the chaos left behind by five hundred years of colonial and neocolonial relations. A clear example of the attitude of the lower classes—both urban and rural—was observed in Arecibo during the transfer of authority to the U. At the same time, this strategy against Puerto Rican men articulates an alliance between middle-class Puerto Rican and white American women and a call for further colonial imperial intervention in local matters on behalf of some women by American men. Contemporary nation-states such as Guatemala represent pointed examples of persistent colonial relationships. The scholarship of the late 1960s to early 1990s described the high social costs of this early-twentieth-century transformation, this being an obvious reaction to the emphases of the older historical studies on the actions of isolated individuals and on the force of powerful ideas. Quintero Rivera, Desafio y solidaridad Rio Piedras: Ediciones Huracan, 1982 , 30-34. Puerto Rico's Social Norm of Consumption Puerto Rico's social norm of consumption has been shaped since the postwar by its participation in mainland accumulation and regulation activities.
Internal Revenue Code exempting U. In the few contexts where a call for social revolution was part of the independence struggle, such as in Cuba during the late 1890s, a U. Popular culture was usually described in terms of some distinctive customs or traditions, which on many occasions were considered a burden to the life of the campesinos. Nevertheless, most of these analyses particularly those focusing on the island study the cultural work of the Creole propertied and educated classes; such analyses are carried out within primarily Eurocentric conceptual parameters. The geopolitical interests of the United States and the local relation of forces in Puerto Rico and Cuba set the conditions for the different modes of incorporation of the two islands.